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Report 2

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  1. Summary
  2. The videos
  3. Outcomes
  4. Subgroups
  5. Pairings
  6. How the test worked
  7. What it can and cannot establish

October 2026

Massachusetts Message Testing

Waves 1, 2 & 3|Ballot support, comprehension and media trust

Summary

W1Wave 1W2Wave 2W3Wave 3
PopulationMassachusetts general adults — not a verified likely-voter sampleMassachusetts general adults — not verified likely votersRespondents who completed the test, weighted to Massachusetts general adults (18+)
FieldedOctober 2–7, 2026October 12–15, 2026October 29, 2026
Sample3,600 respondents · 3,564 weighted2,400 respondents · 2,371 weighted2,464 respondents · 2,464 weighted
Videossix treatment videos plus placebofour treatment videos plus placebosix treatment videos plus placebo
ControlPlacebo video · 494 weightedPlacebo video · 443 weightedPlacebo video · 356 weighted
Threshold90% statistical thresholdSource’s 90% statistical criterion90% criterion (two-sided two-proportion test)

13 of 16 treatment videos showed detectable ballot support differences

Ballot support lift vs own-wave placebo, percentage pointsShared 0 to +20 scale · not ranks
WaveCreative% Yes, liftBallot statusComprehension lift
W1Danielle Allen
+18
Detectable+3 pp · inconclusive
W3Dustin Cathcart
+15.7
Detectable−9.1 pp · detectable
W1Littlewood
+15
Detectable−3 pp · inconclusive
W3Danielle Allen
+14.2
Detectable−1.2 pp · inconclusive
W2Green
≈ +14
Detectable≈ +5 pp · inconclusive
W3Paul Schilchtman
+12.8
Detectable−0.5 pp · inconclusive
W1Donut
+12
Detectable0 pp · inconclusive
W1Official campaign ad
+11
Detectable+3 pp · inconclusive
W1Dustin
+11
Detectable0 pp · inconclusive
W2DiZoglio
≈ +11
Detectable≈ +9 pp · detectable
W2Matt Wilson
≈ +11
Detectable≈ +6 pp · detectable
W3Jesse Littlewood
+10.9
Detectable+4 pp · inconclusive
W2Pahlow
≈ +10
Detectable≈ +11 pp · detectable
W3Alex Rodriguez
+5.1
Inconclusive−6.6 pp · inconclusive
W3Ajayi Harris
+3.8
Inconclusive+3.3 pp · inconclusive
W1Rodriguez
+2
Inconclusive0 pp · inconclusive
0+5+10+15+20
  • Detectable — meets the 90% statistical threshold vs placebo
  • Inconclusive — not detected; not proof of zero effect
  • Campaign-produced
  • ≈ lift derived from rounded percentages
  • Same rounded +14, +11 — not shown to be equal

No confidence intervals are shown: none are in the data.

W1Wave 1

Five of six videos showed detectable ballot choice differences; none showed detectable comprehension differences

  1. 1 · Support and understanding are different outcomes.

    Five videos received the positive persuasion classification. All six overall comprehension results were “no measurable effect.” This study does not show why the two outcomes diverged.

  2. 2 · Danielle has the largest reported overall lift estimate.

    Her +18–point estimate is higher than the other displayed estimates. The supplied results do not establish that every difference between videos is statistically significant.

  3. 3 · No format is shown to perform better in general.

    Each video bundles its speaker, wording, duration, production and format. Comparing individual videos cannot isolate a format effect.

  4. 4 · Four of five Parallax-produced videos showed measurable positive lift.

    Danielle, Littlewood, Donut and Dustin received Grow Progress’s positive persuasion classification versus placebo. Rodriguez did not show a measurable effect. Three Parallax videos had higher reported lift estimates than the official campaign ad; Dustin matched its rounded +11 estimate. Descriptive comparisons of reported estimates: statistical superiority over the official campaign ad has not been established.

W2Wave 2

Four of four videos showed detectable ballot support differences; three showed detectable comprehension differences

  1. 1 · All four videos showed detectable ballot-support differences.

    Four treatment videos were compared with one placebo (47% Yes). Each meets the source’s 90% criterion.

  2. 2 · Three of four showed detectable comprehension differences.

    Pahlow, DiZoglio and Matt Wilson meet the criterion. Green’s ≈ +5 pp is inconclusive — not evidence of no effect.

  3. 3 · The two outcomes order the videos differently.

    Green has the largest displayed ballot-support estimate; Pahlow the largest displayed comprehension estimate. Neither is shown to differ statistically from the other videos.

  4. 4 · Whole videos were tested.

    Each video bundles presenter, script, on-screen cards, format and length. Randomizing complete videos cannot isolate which element produced a difference.

W3Wave 3

Four of six videos showed detectable ballot support differences; one showed detectable comprehension differences

Wave 3: one of six videos showed detectable comprehension differences

  1. 1Wave 1: none of six videos detectable.Lifts from −3 to +3 pp, all inconclusive.
  2. 2Wave 2: three of four videos detectable.Pahlow, DiZoglio and Matt Wilson.
  3. 3Wave 3: one of six videos detectable.Dustin Cathcart.

The card iteration

Following Wave 1’s strong support results but limited comprehension findings, the team added explanatory on-screen cards. Wave 2 subsequently showed detectable comprehension gains for three videos. This is consistent with the team’s learning objective, although the experiment tested complete videos rather than isolating the cards.

Limitation

Simulated respondents: the seeded demo run (scripts/results/seed-demo.mjs) walked the respondent flow, not a fielded panel. Every figure on this wave exercises the pipeline; none is a measurement.

The videos

W1Wave 1six videos
Parallax-produced35 s

01 · Danielle Allen

Largest reported lift estimate · 35s street interview

Ballot choice+18
Detectable
Comprehension+3
Inconclusive
n = 512 weightedWatch video
Parallax-produced

02 · Littlewood

Only negative comprehension estimate — not detectable

Ballot choice+15
Detectable
Comprehension−3
Inconclusive
n = 484 weightedWatch video
Parallax-produced

03 · Donut

Positive support result; no detectable comprehension difference

Ballot choice+12
Detectable
Comprehension0
Inconclusive
n = 518 weightedWatch video
Campaign-produced

04 · Official campaign ad

Tied at +11 with Dustin

Ballot choice+11
Detectable
Comprehension+3
Inconclusive
n = 491 weightedWatch video
Parallax-produced

05 · Dustin

Tied at +11 with the official ad

Ballot choice+11
Detectable
Comprehension0
Inconclusive
n = 520 weightedWatch video
Parallax-produced

06 · Rodriguez

Only video without a detectable support difference

Ballot choice+2
Inconclusive
Comprehension0
Inconclusive
n = 546 weightedWatch video
W2Wave 2four videos
Source title “Pahlow” · 32.6 s

01 · Pahlow

Largest displayed comprehension estimate in Wave 2.

Ballot support57%
vs 47% placebo · ≈ +10 ppDetectable
Comprehension56%
vs 45% placebo · ≈ +11 ppDetectable
n = 482 weightedWatch videoReview copy
Source title “Dizoglio” · 30 s

02 · DiZoglio

Detectable differences on both outcomes.

Ballot support58%
vs 47% placebo · ≈ +11 ppDetectable
Comprehension54%
vs 45% placebo · ≈ +9 ppDetectable
n = 484 weightedWatch videoReview copy
Source title “Matt Wilson” · 36.4 s

03 · Matt Wilson

Detectable differences on both outcomes.

Ballot support58%
vs 47% placebo · ≈ +11 ppDetectable
Comprehension51%
vs 45% placebo · ≈ +6 ppDetectable
n = 506 weightedWatch videoReview copy
Source title “Green” · 34.6 s

04 · Green

Largest displayed ballot-support estimate in Wave 2; comprehension inconclusive.

Ballot support61%
vs 47% placebo · ≈ +14 ppDetectable
Comprehension50%
vs 45% placebo · ≈ +5 ppInconclusive
n = 457 weightedWatch videoReview copy

Frames supplied by the team

Four unchanged frames from Wave 2 creative. The supplied package does not map frames to video names, so none is attributed to a card above.
W3Wave 3six videos
35 s

01 · Danielle Allen

352 actual respondents

Ballot support62.8%
vs 48.6% placebo · +14.2 ppDetectable
Comprehension50.1%
vs 51.4% placebo · −1.2 ppInconclusive
n = 348 weighted
28 s

02 · Dustin Cathcart

352 actual respondents

Ballot support64.4%
vs 48.6% placebo · +15.7 ppDetectable
Comprehension42.3%
vs 51.4% placebo · −9.1 ppDetectable
n = 347 weighted
49 s

03 · Jesse Littlewood

352 actual respondents

Ballot support59.5%
vs 48.6% placebo · +10.9 ppDetectable
Comprehension55.4%
vs 51.4% placebo · +4 ppInconclusive
n = 347 weighted
43 s

04 · Paul Schilchtman

352 actual respondents

Ballot support61.4%
vs 48.6% placebo · +12.8 ppDetectable
Comprehension50.9%
vs 51.4% placebo · −0.5 ppInconclusive
n = 365 weighted
37 s

05 · Alex Rodriguez

352 actual respondents

Ballot support53.7%
vs 48.6% placebo · +5.1 ppInconclusive
Comprehension44.8%
vs 51.4% placebo · −6.6 ppInconclusive
n = 325 weighted
27 s

06 · Ajayi Harris

352 actual respondents

Ballot support52.5%
vs 48.6% placebo · +3.8 ppInconclusive
Comprehension54.7%
vs 51.4% placebo · +3.3 ppInconclusive
n = 375 weighted

Results are versus placebo. A difference between two point estimates does not establish a statistically significant head-to-head difference.

Outcomes

Ballot choiceW1

A difference in the percentage saying they would vote Yes on Question 3, compared with the placebo video. Grow Progress’s positive “Persuasive” label uses its 90% statistical threshold.

Ballot supportW2

The difference in the percentage selecting Yes on Question 3, compared with the placebo video.

Ballot supportW3

The weighted percentage selecting Yes, compared with the placebo arm.

ComprehensionW1

A difference in the percentage correctly identifying the single-primary, top-two change proposed by Question 3, compared with placebo.

ComprehensionW2

The difference in the percentage correctly identifying the single-primary, top-two change, compared with placebo.

ComprehensionW3

The weighted percentage choosing the correct description, compared with the placebo arm.

W1Wave 1

Lift versus own-wave placebo, percentage pointsSame −10 to +20 scale on both outcomes · placebo = 0
VideoBallot choiceComprehension
Danielle Allen
+18 pp · detectable
+3 pp · inconclusive
Littlewood
+15 pp · detectable
−3 pp · inconclusive
Donut
+12 pp · detectable
0 pp · inconclusive
Official campaign ad
+11 pp · detectable
+3 pp · inconclusive
Dustin
+11 pp · detectable
0 pp · inconclusive
Rodriguez
+2 pp · inconclusive
0 pp · inconclusive
−10−50+5+10+15+20
−10−50+5+10+15+20

The 90% statistical threshold is a statistical decision rule. It does not mean there is a 90% chance any particular person changed their mind.

W2Wave 2

Lift versus own-wave placebo, percentage pointsSame −10 to +20 scale on both outcomes · placebo = 0
VideoBallot supportComprehension
Pahlow
≈ +10 pp · detectable57% vs 47%
≈ +11 pp · detectable56% vs 45%
DiZoglio
≈ +11 pp · detectable58% vs 47%
≈ +9 pp · detectable54% vs 45%
Matt Wilson
≈ +11 pp · detectable58% vs 47%
≈ +6 pp · detectable51% vs 45%
Green
≈ +14 pp · detectable61% vs 47%
≈ +5 pp · inconclusive50% vs 45%
−10−50+5+10+15+20
−10−50+5+10+15+20
Wave 2 · Ballot support, % level0–100% scale · dashed line = placebo level (47%)
Placebo (reference)47%Control arm
Pahlow57%≈ +10 pp · detectable
DiZoglio58%≈ +11 pp · detectable
Matt Wilson58%≈ +11 pp · detectable
Green61%≈ +14 pp · detectable
0%25%50%75%100%

Reading a lift

In Wave 2, 61% selected Yes after Green versus 47% after placebo: approximately 14 percentage points higher, using rounded values.

Between videos

Green has the largest displayed estimate; DiZoglio and Matt Wilson share 58%; Pahlow is 57%. The source does not establish that the four differ from one another.
Wave 2 · Comprehension, % level0–100% scale · dashed line = placebo level (45%)
Placebo (reference)45%Control arm
Pahlow56%≈ +11 pp · detectable
DiZoglio54%≈ +9 pp · detectable
Matt Wilson51%≈ +6 pp · detectable
Green50%≈ +5 pp · inconclusive
0%25%50%75%100%

Which of the following best describes the main change Question 3 would make to Massachusetts state primary elections?

  • CorrectCreate one primary with all candidates on the same ballot, with the top two vote-getters overall advancing to the general election
  • Keep separate party primaries, but allow every voter to choose which party’s primary to vote in
  • Create one primary ballot, with the top candidate from each political party advancing to the general election
  • Eliminate primary elections and put all candidates directly on the general-election ballot

The source’s 90% statistical criterion is a statistical decision rule. It does not mean there is a 90% chance any particular person changed their mind.

W3Wave 3

Lift versus own-wave placebo, percentage pointsSame −10 to +20 scale on both outcomes · placebo = 0
VideoBallot supportComprehension
Danielle Allen
+14.2 pp · detectable62.8% vs 48.6%
−1.2 pp · inconclusive50.1% vs 51.4%
Dustin Cathcart
+15.7 pp · detectable64.4% vs 48.6%
−9.1 pp · detectable42.3% vs 51.4%
Jesse Littlewood
+10.9 pp · detectable59.5% vs 48.6%
+4 pp · inconclusive55.4% vs 51.4%
Paul Schilchtman
+12.8 pp · detectable61.4% vs 48.6%
−0.5 pp · inconclusive50.9% vs 51.4%
Alex Rodriguez
+5.1 pp · inconclusive53.7% vs 48.6%
−6.6 pp · inconclusive44.8% vs 51.4%
Ajayi Harris
+3.8 pp · inconclusive52.5% vs 48.6%
+3.3 pp · inconclusive54.7% vs 51.4%
−10−50+5+10+15+20
−10−50+5+10+15+20
Wave 3 · Ballot support, % level0–100% scale · dashed line = placebo level (48.6%)
Placebo (reference)48.6%Control arm
Danielle Allen62.8%+14.2 pp · detectable
Dustin Cathcart64.4%+15.7 pp · detectable
Jesse Littlewood59.5%+10.9 pp · detectable
Paul Schilchtman61.4%+12.8 pp · detectable
Alex Rodriguez53.7%+5.1 pp · inconclusive
Ajayi Harris52.5%+3.8 pp · inconclusive
0%25%50%75%100%
Wave 3 · Comprehension, % level0–100% scale · dashed line = placebo level (51.4%)
Placebo (reference)51.4%Control arm
Danielle Allen50.1%−1.2 pp · inconclusive
Dustin Cathcart42.3%−9.1 pp · detectable
Jesse Littlewood55.4%+4 pp · inconclusive
Paul Schilchtman50.9%−0.5 pp · inconclusive
Alex Rodriguez44.8%−6.6 pp · inconclusive
Ajayi Harris54.7%+3.3 pp · inconclusive
0%25%50%75%100%

Which of the following best describes the main change the measure would make?

  • Each party would keep its own primary, but independent voters could choose one to vote in
  • CorrectAll candidates would run in one primary, and the two with the most votes overall would advance
  • Primaries would be eliminated, and every candidate would go straight to the general election
  • General elections would be decided by ranked choice voting

The 90% criterion (two-sided two-proportion test) is a statistical decision rule. It does not mean there is a 90% chance any particular person changed their mind.

Subgroups

W1Wave 1

Bars are levels — the % selecting Yes in one subgroup and arm — not lifts. Significant vs placebo inside that subgroup (90% statistical threshold) Not marked Hatched, italic = source small-sample flag Placebo level in that subgroup

Gender and age

Gender

Marked vs placebo: 10 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
Men
Women
Placebo48%47%Danielle Allen67%64%Littlewood65%61%Donut60%58%Official campaign ad59%59%Dustin58%58%Rodriguez48%50%

What the chart shows

Placebo Yes levels are nearly identical for men (48%) and women (47%). The same five videos carry the significance marker in both groups; Rodriguez is unmarked in both (48% and 50%).

How to read it

Only two categories are reported, so this does not represent every gender identity — and matching marker patterns do not establish equal effects.

Age

Marked vs placebo: 12 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
18–34
35–54
55+
Placebo46%51%46%Danielle Allen75%65%60%Littlewood59%69%62%Donut62%65%52%Official campaign ad66%65%47%Dustin60%65%51%Rodriguez53%56%41%

What the chart shows

In the 18–34 and 35–54 bands, five of six videos are marked versus placebo. Among 55+, only Danielle (60%) and Littlewood (62%) are marked against a 46% placebo; the official ad sits at 47%.

How to read it

These are three broad bands, not a continuous trend; fewer markers among 55+ does not by itself show that effects differ by age.

Race/ethnicity and education

Race/ethnicity

Marked vs placebo: 9 of 24 cells · small-sample flag: Black, Other
BlackSmall sample — 6 of 7 cells
Latino
White
OtherSmall sample — all cells
Placebo45%54%48%38%Danielle Allen61%68%66%67%Littlewood53%66%63%66%Donut64%72%58%52%Official campaign ad45%72%58%60%Dustin61%59%57%60%Rodriguez55%53%48%51%

What the chart shows

White respondents mirror the overall pattern (48% placebo; five videos marked). Among Latino respondents, only the official ad and Donut (both 72%) are marked against a 54% placebo. No Black cell is marked.

How to read it

Six of seven Black cells and every Other cell carry the small-sample flag; “Other” combines distinct groups and is not one homogeneous population.

Education

Marked vs placebo: 9 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
High school or less
Some college
Bachelor’s degree+
Placebo51%42%51%Danielle Allen72%63%65%Littlewood56%68%64%Donut59%62%57%Official campaign ad60%61%57%Dustin46%59%65%Rodriguez44%46%55%

What the chart shows

Some college has the lowest placebo level (42%), with five videos marked. In high school or less, only Danielle is marked (72% vs 51%); in bachelor’s+, Danielle, Dustin and Littlewood are marked.

How to read it

These are formal qualifications exactly as shown — not proxies for class — and marker differences across levels are not tested differences in effect.

Household income and parental status

Household income

Marked vs placebo: 11 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
$0–$49K
$50K–$99K
$100K+
Placebo42%50%50%Danielle Allen70%69%59%Littlewood60%58%70%Donut62%54%62%Official campaign ad59%62%55%Dustin58%55%63%Rodriguez38%52%62%

What the chart shows

In $0–$49K, five videos are marked against a 42% placebo; Rodriguez is 38%, unmarked. $100K+ is the only bracket where Rodriguez is marked (62% vs 50%), while Danielle (59%) is not.

How to read it

Household-income brackets are kept as published and are not a proxy for education or class; one isolated marker among many comparisons, like Rodriguez in $100K+, may reflect chance.

Parental status (children under 18)

Marked vs placebo: 10 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
Parent
Non-Parent
Placebo50%46%Danielle Allen67%66%Littlewood64%63%Donut65%57%Official campaign ad68%55%Dustin72%54%Rodriguez66%43%

What the chart shows

Among parents, all six videos are marked, including Rodriguez (66% vs 50% placebo). Among non-parents, four are marked; Rodriguez (43%) and Dustin (54%) are not.

How to read it

Parent and Non-Parent are the source’s labels for having children under 18; exact ages, household composition and cell counts are not reported.

Ideology and party identification

Ideology

Marked vs placebo: 11 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
Liberal
Moderate
Conservative
Placebo36%53%50%Danielle Allen68%68%61%Littlewood66%68%48%Donut57%68%54%Official campaign ad62%63%51%Dustin62%63%58%Rodriguez50%53%50%

What the chart shows

Liberal respondents have the lowest placebo level (36%), and all six videos are marked. Among conservatives no video is marked; levels range from 48% to 61% against a 50% placebo.

How to read it

Ideology is self-identified and distinct from party ID; a marked group beside an unmarked one does not establish that effects differ between them.

Party identification

Marked vs placebo: 10 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
Democrat
Independent/Other
Republican
Placebo48%45%51%Danielle Allen69%65%60%Littlewood62%67%50%Donut62%58%53%Official campaign ad62%58%53%Dustin58%57%63%Rodriguez60%40%48%

What the chart shows

Among Democrats and among Independent/Other, five videos are marked in each. No Republican cell is marked; the highest Republican level is Dustin at 63% against a 51% placebo.

How to read it

“Independent/Other” is a combined category; Republican cells carry no small-sample flag, but an absent flag does not guarantee adequate power.

Community type and 2024 presidential vote choice

Community type

Marked vs placebo: 9 of 18 cells · small-sample flag: Rural
Urban
Suburban
RuralSmall sample — all cells
Placebo44%51%36%Danielle Allen67%64%88%Littlewood65%62%58%Donut63%57%50%Official campaign ad53%62%64%Dustin56%60%50%Rodriguez48%51%41%

What the chart shows

Urban and suburban results broadly resemble the overall pattern. The Rural panel shows the widest spread (36% placebo; Danielle 88%), but every Rural cell carries the small-sample flag.

How to read it

The 88% Rural figure rests on a small cell — treat it as noise-prone, not as evidence of a larger rural effect.

2024 presidential vote choice

Marked vs placebo: 9 of 24 cells · small-sample flag: Voted Other
Voted Dem
Voted Rep
Voted OtherSmall sample — all cells
Did not vote
Placebo50%53%42%41%Danielle Allen65%67%65%67%Littlewood66%64%67%57%Donut60%60%64%56%Official campaign ad58%57%64%60%Dustin61%69%67%43%Rodriguez55%55%32%42%

What the chart shows

Did-not-vote respondents have the lowest placebo level (41%), with four videos marked. Among Voted Rep, Danielle (67%) and Dustin (69%) are marked against 53%. No Voted Other cell is marked.

How to read it

Reported 2024 vote is self-reported, not checked against voter files; every Voted Other cell is flagged small-sample.

2022 midterm turnout and media influence

2022 midterm turnout

Marked vs placebo: 8 of 18 cells · small-sample flag: Unsure
Needs verification · Exact question stem not printed in the report
Yes
No
UnsureSmall sample — all cells
Placebo54%41%41%Danielle Allen63%73%53%Littlewood66%62%46%Donut60%57%62%Official campaign ad57%63%50%Dustin65%54%31%Rodriguez53%51%24%

What the chart shows

Respondents answering “No” (did not vote in 2022, per the report’s section label) start lower — 41% placebo — with five videos marked; “Yes” starts at 54% with three marked. All Unsure cells are small-sample.

How to read it

Turnout is self-reported and the stem is not printed, so confirm the wording before relying on the Yes/No/Unsure groupings.

Media influence

Marked vs placebo: 9 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
Self-selected · asked before exposure · stated trust, not an outcome
A traditional TV or broadcast ad≈ 54%1,919share of the weighted sample
A short social media video with a person speaking directly to camera≈ 24%855share of the weighted sample
A clip of a podcast or interview≈ 22%790share of the weighted sample
A traditional TV or broadcast ad
A short social media video with a person speaking directly to camera
A clip of a podcast or interview
Placebo45%52%47%Danielle Allen67%65%64%Littlewood67%60%56%Donut58%63%56%Official campaign ad59%64%52%Dustin57%63%57%Rodriguez49%52%47%

What the chart shows

Among respondents choosing a TV or broadcast ad, five videos are marked against a 45% placebo. Among those choosing a podcast or interview clip, only Danielle is marked (64% vs 47%).

How to read it

These are self-selected answer groups, not randomly assigned formats, so the chart cannot show that any format caused an outcome.

W2Wave 2

Bars are levels — the % selecting Yes in one subgroup and arm — not lifts. Significant vs placebo inside that subgroup (Source’s 90% statistical criterion) Not marked Hatched, italic = source small-sample flag Placebo level in that subgroup

Levels, not lifts. Each bar is the % selecting Yes in one subgroup and arm.

Many comparisons. 38 subgroups × 4 videos; no multiplicity adjustment is documented.

Small cells. Hatched, italic = source flag for fewer than 50 actual responses.

Description only. No interaction tests; nothing here identifies audiences to target.

Media trust (source label: Media Influence)

Marked vs placebo: 7 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
Self-selected · asked before exposure · stated trust, not an outcome
A traditional TV or broadcast ad≈ 54.4%1,290share of the weighted sample
A short social media video, person speaking to camera≈ 24.5%581share of the weighted sample
A clip of a podcast or interview≈ 21.1%501share of the weighted sample
A traditional TV or broadcast ad
A short social media video, person speaking to camera
A clip of a podcast or interview
Placebo44%46%54%Pahlow56%69%45%DiZoglio57%56%60%Matt Wilson55%71%50%Green63%63%53%

Exact wording · asked at entry

“Which video format do you trust most for information about political or public issues?” · A traditional TV or broadcast ad · A short social media video with a person speaking directly to camera · A clip of a podcast or interview The source calls this “Media Influence”; the wording measures stated trust.

Stated trust

A self-report collected before exposure. Respondents chose their own group; it was not assigned.

Experimental outcome

Ballot choice and comprehension, measured after random assignment to a video or placebo.

Self-selected groups

People chose their trust answer before exposure, so the groups differ in many ways besides format preference.

Within-group tests only

No interaction tests are reported. A marked cell in one group but not another does not establish a group difference.

Not a targeting guide

The source summary calls Pahlow “especially persuasive” in some subgroups; this report does not adopt subgroup-persuasion conclusions.

Gender, age, race and education

Gender

Marked vs placebo: 6 of 8 cells · no small-sample flags
Men
Women
Placebo43%50%Pahlow58%56%DiZoglio59%57%Matt Wilson55%61%Green59%63%

Age

Marked vs placebo: 8 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
18–34
35–54
55+
Placebo48%51%41%Pahlow65%65%44%DiZoglio66%60%49%Matt Wilson65%65%47%Green67%63%54%

Race

Marked vs placebo: 7 of 16 cells · small-sample flag: Black, Other
BlackSmall sample — all cells
Latino
White
OtherSmall sample — all cells
Placebo52%53%46%41%Pahlow60%59%57%55%DiZoglio64%61%56%64%Matt Wilson44%75%55%71%Green66%71%60%51%

Education

Marked vs placebo: 7 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
High school or less
Some college
Bachelor’s degree+
Placebo45%49%46%Pahlow56%51%60%DiZoglio56%64%54%Matt Wilson55%63%57%Green61%63%59%

Household income, parental status, political ideology and party ID

Household income

Marked vs placebo: 6 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
$0–$49K
$50K–$99K
$100K+
Placebo49%45%48%Pahlow52%61%56%DiZoglio60%59%53%Matt Wilson57%63%56%Green59%61%60%

Parental status (children under 18)

Marked vs placebo: 4 of 8 cells · no small-sample flags
Parent
Non-parent
Placebo58%43%Pahlow62%55%DiZoglio62%56%Matt Wilson60%57%Green62%60%

Political ideology

Marked vs placebo: 5 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
Liberal
Moderate
Conservative
Placebo54%48%41%Pahlow58%56%57%DiZoglio57%65%46%Matt Wilson57%64%48%Green62%64%55%

Party ID

Marked vs placebo: 4 of 12 cells · no small-sample flags
Democrat
Independent/Other
Republican
Placebo54%38%51%Pahlow61%55%55%DiZoglio54%61%54%Matt Wilson55%63%43%Green63%59%63%

Urbanicity, 2024 presidential vote choice, 2022 midterm turnout and media market

Urbanicity

Marked vs placebo: 6 of 12 cells · small-sample flag: Rural
Urban
Suburban
RuralSmall sample — all cells
Placebo45%47%53%Pahlow55%58%52%DiZoglio60%57%56%Matt Wilson57%59%58%Green56%64%63%

2024 presidential vote choice

Marked vs placebo: 4 of 16 cells · small-sample flag: Voted Other
Voted Dem
Voted Rep
Voted OtherSmall sample — all cells
Did not vote
Placebo55%53%41%31%Pahlow58%53%65%56%DiZoglio58%59%82%49%Matt Wilson56%60%75%55%Green58%63%57%65%

2022 midterm turnout

Marked vs placebo: 5 of 12 cells · small-sample flag: Unsure
Needs verification · Exact question stem not printed in the report
Yes
No
UnsureSmall sample — all cells
Placebo53%40%30%Pahlow54%64%37%DiZoglio60%54%60%Matt Wilson57%61%52%Green60%62%66%

Media market

Marked vs placebo: 4 of 8 cells · no small-sample flags
Boston MA (Manchester NH)
Other
Placebo47%45%Pahlow60%47%DiZoglio58%57%Matt Wilson58%57%Green62%56%

W3Wave 3

Bars are levels — the % selecting Yes in one subgroup and arm — not lifts. Significant vs placebo inside that subgroup (90% criterion (two-sided two-proportion test)) Not marked Hatched, italic = source small-sample flag Placebo level in that subgroup

Political ideology and party ID

Political ideology

Marked vs placebo: 6 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
Liberal
Moderate
Conservative
Placebo49.3%49.3%47%Danielle Allen65%63.6%56.9%Dustin Cathcart63.6%67.5%61.4%Jesse Littlewood65.6%55.1%56.3%Paul Schilchtman57.2%66.7%59.3%Alex Rodriguez53.4%52.5%56.4%Ajayi Harris44.5%58.8%56.1%

Party ID

Marked vs placebo: 9 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
Democrat
Independent or other
Republican
Placebo38.9%57.2%43.9%Danielle Allen59.3%65.2%64.4%Dustin Cathcart62.6%70.1%48.4%Jesse Littlewood53.5%66%52.6%Paul Schilchtman60.1%68.8%44.7%Alex Rodriguez54.1%58.6%38.1%Ajayi Harris53.4%54.6%38.3%

Education and 2024 presidential vote choice

Education

Marked vs placebo: 7 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
High school or less
Some college
Bachelor's degree or higher
Placebo59.3%37.3%48%Danielle Allen66.3%63.1%60.3%Dustin Cathcart74.3%58.7%59.9%Jesse Littlewood69.6%45.2%60.8%Paul Schilchtman61.2%66.7%59.3%Alex Rodriguez62.2%48.9%49.9%Ajayi Harris49.6%48.6%56.4%

2024 presidential vote choice

Marked vs placebo: 8 of 24 cells · small-sample flag: Another candidate, I did not vote
The Democratic candidate
The Republican candidate
Another candidateSmall sample — all cells
I did not voteSmall sample — 1 of 7 cells
Placebo48.5%50%28.5%49.2%Danielle Allen54.4%67.7%51.4%70.6%Dustin Cathcart65.2%64.1%62.8%63.7%Jesse Littlewood61.2%59.8%70%57.1%Paul Schilchtman61.4%51%74%65.4%Alex Rodriguez59.6%56.9%42.9%43.3%Ajayi Harris46.9%60%46.5%53.7%

Media trust

Marked vs placebo: 10 of 18 cells · no small-sample flags
Self-selected · asked before exposure · stated trust, not an outcome
A traditional TV or broadcast ad44%1,083share of the weighted sample
A short social video with a person speaking directly to camera32.3%796share of the weighted sample
A clip of a podcast or interview23.7%585share of the weighted sample
A traditional TV or broadcast ad
A short social video with a person speaking directly to camera
A clip of a podcast or interview
Placebo56.5%41.8%40.5%Danielle Allen65%58.2%65.6%Dustin Cathcart67%64.2%59.9%Jesse Littlewood55.6%62%64.2%Paul Schilchtman59.8%64.3%60.2%Alex Rodriguez52.2%56.8%52.5%Ajayi Harris54.2%62.6%37.1%

Pairings

W1Wave 1six videos · 36 subgroups
1Danielle Allen

Adults 18–34 and 2022 midterm non-voters

Her highest levels: 75% vs 46% placebo among 18–34s and 73% vs 41% among 2022 non-voters. Significant in 29 of 36 subgroups — the safest broad default.

2Danielle Allen

High school or less and $0–$49K households

The only significant video among high school or less (72% vs 51%); 70% vs 42% in $0–$49K households.

Dustin (46%) and Rodriguez (44%) trail placebo with the high-school-or-less group.

3Littlewood

$100K+ households, 35–54s and Independent/Other

Highest level of any video in each: 70% vs 50%, 69% vs 51% and 67% vs 45%.

4Littlewood+Danielle Allen

Adults 55+

The only two significant videos with 55+: Littlewood 62% and Danielle 60% vs a 46% placebo.

The official ad does nothing here (47%).

5Dustin

Parents of children under 18

72% vs 50% placebo — the highest level of any video among parents.

Flat with non-parents (54% vs 46%, not significant).

6Dustin+Danielle Allen

2024 Republican voters

Dustin 69% and Danielle 67% vs a 53% placebo — the only two significant videos in that group.

7Donut

Urban and $0–$49K audiences

63% vs 44% among urban respondents and 62% vs 42% in $0–$49K households.

Not significant with suburban (57% vs 51%) or $50K–$99K (54% vs 50%).

8Donut+Official campaign ad

Latino respondents

Donut and the official ad are the only significant videos here, both 72% vs a 54% placebo.

9Official campaign ad

Low-turnout audiences

60% vs 41% among 2024 non-voters, 63% vs 41% among 2022 non-voters and 66% vs 46% among 18–34s.

Keep away from 55+ (47% vs 46%).

10No clear match

Conservatives and registered Republicans

No video is significant with either group. Best untested bets: Dustin (63% among Republicans) and Danielle (61% among conservatives).

Hold Rodriguez out of rotation — no measurable effect overall.

Significant = video vs placebo inside one subgroup at the 90% statistical threshold, not videos vs each other. 36 subgroups × six videos with no documented multiplicity adjustment, so some marks are likely chance.

W2Wave 2four videos · 38 subgroups
1Green

Adults 55+ and high school or less

The only significant video in each: 54% vs 41% placebo among 55+ and 61% vs 45% among high school or less. Significant in 24 of 38 subgroups — the broadest in Wave 2.

2Green

$100K+ households and 2024 non-voters

The only significant video among $100K+ (60% vs 48%); the highest level among 2024 non-voters (65% vs 31%).

Pahlow (56%) and Matt Wilson (55%) are also significant with non-voters.

3Matt Wilson

Latino respondents

75% vs 53% placebo — the highest level of any video in this group. Green (71%) is the only other significant video.

Among Black respondents: 44% vs 52%, not significant (small sample).

4Matt Wilson+Green

Women

The only two significant videos: 61% and 63% vs a 50% placebo.

Pahlow (56%) and DiZoglio (57%) are not significant.

5Pahlow+Green

Conservatives

57% and 55% vs a 41% placebo — the only two significant videos.

DiZoglio (46%) and Matt Wilson (48%) sit near placebo.

6Pahlow+Matt Wilson

Respondents who trust social video most

69% and 71% vs a 46% placebo — the highest levels in any media-trust group. Green (63%) is also significant.

Self-selected group; describes stated trust, not a format effect.

7DiZoglio

Moderates, some college and $0–$49K households

The highest level in each: 65% vs 48%, 64% vs 49% and 60% vs 49%.

Leads by one point or less. Green is also significant in all three; Matt Wilson in the first two.

8Pahlow

2022 midterm non-voters

64% vs 40% placebo — the highest level. Matt Wilson (61%) and Green (62%) are also significant.

Turnout is self-reported.

9All four videos

Independent/Other party ID

Every video is significant: 55% to 63% vs a 38% placebo, the lowest party placebo level.

Matt Wilson is highest (63%).

10No clear match

Democrats, Republicans, liberals and parents

No video is significant in any of these groups. Highest levels: Green at 63% among Democrats (vs 54%) and Republicans (vs 51%).

Placebo levels start higher here (51%–58% Yes).

Significant = video vs placebo inside one subgroup at the source’s 90% statistical criterion, not videos vs each other. 38 subgroups × four videos with no documented multiplicity adjustment, so some marks are likely chance.

How the test worked

Three questions, two outcomes

Media trust

Asked before watching any video
A traditional TV or broadcast ad
W1≈ 54%1,919
W2≈ 54.4%1,290
W344%1,083
A short social video with a person speaking directly to camera
W332.3%796
A clip of a podcast or interview
W323.7%585

Shares of respondents choosing each answer — not ballot support or persuasion results.

W2Wave 2
  1. 1Entry questionsIdeology and partisanship, education and presidential vote, plus one custom media-trust question.
  2. 2Random assignmentEach participant was randomly assigned to one of five arms.
  3. 3ExposureOne of four treatment videos — Pahlow, Dizoglio, Matt Wilson or Green — or a placebo video. The placebo is the control, not a message.
  4. 4Written explanationEvery arm read the same written summary of Question 3, shown right, before either outcome question — so comprehension reflects recognition after reading, not video recall alone.
  5. 5Two outcomesBallot choice first, then comprehension. Yes and the correct description were the source’s desired outcomes; “Would not vote” was anchored last.

Shown to every arm after the video · as printed in the source

On November 3, the people of Massachusetts get to vote on Ballot Question 3. This proposed law would eliminate political party primaries for state elections and instead establish a system where there would be a single, all-party primary in which all candidates, regardless of their party affiliation, would be listed on one ballot, and voters could vote for any candidate on the ballot. The two candidates receiving the most votes in the primary would advance to the general election ballot. This proposed law would require candidates for governor and lieutenant governor to run and be listed jointly on the ballot in the primary. This proposed law would provide political party status to any group whose candidates for any statewide office received at least 3% of the ballots cast in the state primary. A YES VOTE would eliminate separate party primaries for state elections and require a single primary in which all candidates appear on one ballot, voters could vote for any candidate, and the top two candidates would advance to the general election. A NO VOTE would make no change to the laws governing primary elections.

What it can and cannot establish

W1Wave 1

Supported by this study

  • Randomized comparisons of the tested videos with a placebo.
  • Immediate stated Yes vote choice and correct-answer comprehension outcomes.
  • Five positive overall vote-choice classifications under the platform’s 90% threshold.
  • No statistically detectable overall comprehension difference for the six videos.

Comprehension caveat

The questionnaire shows a detailed written explanation of Question 3 before the comprehension item. The result therefore reflects that survey context, not video recall alone.

What “no measurable effect” means

The study did not detect a difference at its stated threshold. This does not prove the effect is zero.

Weighted counts by arm

Placebo494
Danielle Allen512
Littlewood484
Donut518
Official campaign ad491
Dustin520
Rodriguez546

Methodology notes

  • Usual significance threshold: 90%. “Directional” classifications sit above 80% but below 90%.
  • Exact interval endpoints and the error-bar confidence level are not supplied, so no numerical confidence intervals are shown.
  • The weighted total is not an effective sample size.
  • These are immediate survey responses. They do not establish actual election results, lasting opinion change or the outcome of the separate MA paid-flight precinct RCT.
  • Weighted on age, gender, race, education, party and 2024 presidential vote.
  • The report’s “82% probability Danielle is best” is a platform-reported ranking statistic with an unspecified calculation; it is not used as a headline here.
  • Rounded arm counts sum to 3,565; the reported weighted total is 3,564. Both are shown as published.

Limitations

  • Green = Grow Progress “Persuasive” (positive at its 90% threshold). Gray = “No measurable effect.” Ordered by reported ballot-choice lift; numbers show display order, not six statistically distinct ranks. Higher bars do not establish statistically significant head-to-head differences.
  • The 90% threshold is a statistical decision rule. It does not mean there is a 90% chance any particular person was persuaded. The official campaign ad is a tested video; the placebo video is the experimental control.
  • Reported lifts in percentage points versus placebo, as published by Grow Progress. Lifts are calculated before rounding, so differences between displayed whole numbers can be off by a point.
  • Ordered by reported ballot-choice lift; numbering is display order, not six statistically distinct ranks. Card notes are descriptive observations, not reasons to deploy a particular video. Production source is bundled with speaker, message and format — this test does not isolate the effect of who produced a video. Placebo arm: n = 494 weighted. Danielle is the confirmed 35-second person-on-the-street clip; the official campaign ad replaced Harris, who is not part of this lineup.
  • Results are versus placebo. A difference between two point estimates does not establish a statistically significant head-to-head difference.
  • Hypotheses to test, not proven matches. Significance compares each video with placebo inside one subgroup — it does not show one video beats another for that audience. With 36 subgroups × 6 videos, some patterns will be chance. Validate in market: rotate two videos per audience against a holdout.
  • These bars are levels, not lifts. Each shows the % selecting Yes in one subgroup and arm. Significance markers compare one video with placebo inside that subgroup — not videos with each other, and not subgroups with each other. Lifts are not derived by subtracting these rounded levels.
  • Starting levels differ. A high Yes level is not automatically a large effect.
  • Many comparisons. 36 subgroup panels × 6 videos invite chance findings; the report warns about this but documents no adjustment.
  • Small cells. The flag marks actual cell counts below 50; displayed sample counts are weighted. An absent flag does not guarantee power.
  • Description only. Nothing here identifies audiences to target or creative to serve to a group.

Questions for the research debrief

  1. Can Grow Progress provide exact intervals and direct video-to-video comparisons?
  2. Which subgroup differences were prespecified and supported by adequate samples?
  3. How should the questionnaire’s written explanation affect interpretation of comprehension?

Source: Grow Progress Wave 1 report, fielded October 2–7, 2026. Grow Progress subgroup views, “Overall Percentage” · Moving people toward Yes. Rebuilt from supplied screenshots; the source’s “Percentage points” axis label is replaced with % selecting Yes.

W2Wave 2

Supported by this study

  • Three complete videos produced detectable recognition gains versus placebo — consistent with the aim of the added cards.

What it cannot establish

  • Attribute the gains to the cards rather than script, presenter, format or length. Green’s ≈ +5 pp is inconclusive, not evidence of no effect.

Comprehension caveat

Multiple-choice recognition, asked after respondents read a written explanation of Question 3 — not unaided recall, and not long-term retention.

What “no measurable effect” means

Inconclusive — not detected; not proof of zero effect

Weighted counts by arm

Placebo443
Pahlow482
DiZoglio484
Matt Wilson506
Green457

Methodology notes

  • No confidence intervals are shown because exact intervals were not supplied. Comprehension lift is the same comparison for the share correctly identifying the change Question 3 would make. Wave 1 names link to the review copies embedded in the original Wave 1 report. Wave 2 names link to the tested MP4 listed in the Grow Progress report. Sources: Grow Progress Wave 1 and Wave 2 reports; verified results register.
  • Levels are rounded displayed percentages from the Grow Progress Wave 2 comprehension topline; ≈ lifts are arithmetic differences between them. Detectable = meets the source’s 90% criterion versus placebo; inconclusive is not evidence of no effect. Wave 1 lifts are published values versus the Wave 1 placebo.
  • Comparison video = study placebo. Source: Grow Progress original reports, W1 pp. 11/18, W2 pp. 10/17. Weighted counts: W1 1,919 / 855 / 790 (total 3,564); W2 1,290 / 581 / 501 (total 2,372; reported 2,371, a rounding difference). Stated trust is not a measure of persuasion effectiveness. Exact questions and detailed methods appear later in the report.
  • Levels are rounded displayed percentages; ≈ lifts subtract the placebo level. Dashed tick = placebo. Shown in source order.
  • Card notes are descriptive, not reasons to deploy a video. “Watch tested MP4” opens the file listed in the Grow Progress report (verified publicly playable on October 15, 2026). “Review copy” opens the current Frame.io copy; rounded durations match, but exact-cut identity is not established. Durations are from the tested MP4 metadata; all four are 1440 × 2560 vertical.
  • General adult population, Massachusetts; in field Monday, October 12 to Thursday, October 15, 2026. Weighted on age, gender, race, education, party and 2024 presidential vote choice. Rounded arm counts sum to 2,372; the published weighted total is 2,371 — both shown as published. Weighted counts are not effective sample sizes.
  • Share selecting Yes on Question 3 after each arm. Recreated from the source values; no intervals are drawn because their confidence level is not documented.
  • The ballot topline chart in the Grow Progress PDF (page 3) renders visually collapsed and is not reproduced. Values are recovered from the dashboard screenshot above (2026-10-15, 9.08.50 AM). That crop is unlabeled; its attribution to Ballot Vote Choice is inferred from the surrounding supplied report context and because its values (47 / 57 / 58 / 58 / 61) differ from the comprehension toplines (45 / 56 / 54 / 51 / 50). All four treatment bars carry the source’s significance outline.
  • Share choosing the correct description of the change, after the written explanation. Recreated from the source’s rounded values.
  • Comprehension outlines in the source apply to Pahlow, DiZoglio and Matt Wilson only. The source’s “probability to be best” figures (70% for Pahlow on comprehension, 6% on ballot choice) use an undocumented calculation and are not used as findings. Comprehension subgroup charts (source PDF pages 11–17) were not supplied legibly and are not reproduced.
  • Calculated approximations from rounded weighted counts (denominator 2,372). No Wave 1 distribution is available in the supplied report.
  • Green bar with dark outline = significant versus placebo inside that group at the source’s 90% threshold; gray = not marked; lavender = placebo; dashed line = placebo level. Rebuilt on a 0–100% scale from the Grow Progress Media Influence breakout (screenshot 9.10.58 AM).
  • Rebuilt on a common 0–100% scale from the supplied Grow Progress ballot-choice subgroup screenshots (9.09.04–9.09.27 AM); the source’s “Percentage points” axis label is replaced with % selecting Yes. Significance compares one video with placebo inside one subgroup — not videos with each other, and not subgroups with each other. Weighted counts by cell are not reported.
  • Rebuilt on a common 0–100% scale from the supplied Grow Progress ballot-choice subgroup screenshots (9.09.34–9.10.01 AM); the source’s “Percentage points” axis label is replaced with % selecting Yes. Significance compares one video with placebo inside one subgroup — not videos with each other, and not subgroups with each other. Weighted counts by cell are not reported.
  • Rebuilt on a common 0–100% scale from the supplied Grow Progress ballot-choice subgroup screenshots (9.10.17–9.10.41 and 9.11.04 AM); the source’s “Percentage points” axis label is replaced with % selecting Yes. Significance compares one video with placebo inside one subgroup — not videos with each other, and not subgroups with each other. Weighted counts by cell are not reported.

Limitations

  • Different videos and separate samples; no cards-versus-no-cards randomized comparison.
  • Unchanged frames from Wave 2 creative. Examples only — not proof that the cards caused the results, and not attributed to individual videos.
  • These are shares of respondents choosing each answer — not ballot support or persuasion results.
  • Hypotheses to test, not proven matches. Significant = video vs placebo within one subgroup (90% threshold), not video vs video; with no documented multiplicity adjustment, some patterns will be chance. Full pairings: pages 9 and 23.
  • Green bar = detectable at the source’s 90% criterion. Gray = inconclusive. All lifts (≈) are differences between rounded displayed percentages; order is the source’s listing order, not a ranking.
  • The 90% criterion is the source’s statistical decision rule. It does not mean there is a 90% chance any particular person changed their mind.
  • Unchanged frames. Examples of the added cards — not proof of card causality, and not attributed to individual videos.
  • It describes who respondents were at the start. It is not an outcome of the videos, and it is not an experimental test of which medium works best.
  • These are % selecting Yes inside each self-selected group — not the share choosing each trust response.
  • Hypotheses for further testing, not targeting recommendations. Significant = video vs placebo inside one subgroup at the source’s 90% threshold — not videos vs each other. 38 subgroups × 4 videos with no documented multiplicity adjustment, so some marks are likely chance. Ballot-choice levels only.

Source: Grow Progress, “Rapid Message Test Results: Massachusetts nonpartisan primary round 2,” fielded October 12–15, 2026. Source record, unchanged: Grow Progress dashboard, key experiment details (screenshot 2026-10-15, 9.13.59 AM; labeled Wave 2 by the team). Sources: Grow Progress Wave 1 and Wave 2 reports; verified results register.

W3Wave 3

Supported by this study

  • Randomized comparison of each video arm with the placebo arm on stated ballot choice and comprehension.

What it cannot establish

  • Comparisons between video arms: each arm is tested only against the placebo.
  • A verdict from any arm or subgroup with fewer than 50 actual respondents: those comparisons are inconclusive by rule.

What “no measurable effect” means

Inconclusive means the comparison did not meet the criterion; it is not evidence of zero effect.

Weighted counts by arm

Placebo356
Danielle Allen348
Dustin Cathcart347
Jesse Littlewood347
Paul Schilchtman365
Alex Rodriguez325
Ajayi Harris375

Arm counts sum to the reported weighted total, 2,464.

Methodology notes

  • Counted: 2464 complete records, the latest per panel id, env development. Not counted: 0 complete(s) from another env, 0 earlier duplicate(s), 0 with an arm outside the test, 0 screenout(s); 14 start record(s) seen.
  • Raked to education, party, vote2024 in 4 iterations (largest remaining gap 9.7e-9); weights normalized to mean 1, range 0.27899999999999997 to 5.004, capped at 5 (23 capped). Targets: Massachusetts general adults (18+), derived from the audience store by scripts/results/targets.mjs.
  • Weighting target, education (as raked): hs-or-less 31.2%, some-college 21.5%, bachelors-plus 47.3%. American Community Survey 5-year estimates (U.S. Census Bureau); education_4 @25, count; period 2020-01-01 to 2024-12-31; universe population 25+; proxy: population 25+; derivation audience-store. B15003 covers ages 25 and over; the store has no 18–24 education for the state, so the 25+ distribution stands in for adults 18+ and likely overstates bachelor's-or-higher for them.
  • Weighting target, party (as raked): democrat 37.3%, republican 14.6%, independent-other 48.2%. Cooperative Election Study common content 2020, 2022, 2024 (Harvard University); pid3 @25, 2024, pct (commonweight); period 2024-01-01 to 2024-12-31; universe adults 18+ (CES state respondents, commonweight); derivation audience-store. Party identification, a survey estimate: n 1119, margin of error up to ±4 points. The printed shares sum to 100.1 and are renormalized to 100. Identification, not enrollment: the state's party enrollment measures registration, a different construct on a different universe. 2024 is used to match the 2024 vote target (--party-year picks another); the store also holds 2023 (n 383, ±5) and 2025 (n 272, ±6.3).
  • Weighting target, vote2024 (as raked): democrat 37.4%, republican 22.0%, did-not-vote 38.2%, other 2.4%. Official ballot-measure results (state election offices); American Community Survey 5-year estimates (U.S. Census Bureau); presidential_vote @25, 2024, count; ACS age_bucket @25 (adults 18+); period 2024-11-05 to 2024-11-05; universe adults 18+; derivation audience-store. 3,512,930 ballots cast ÷ 5,679,875 adults 18+; "Did not vote" is the adults who cast no ballot (38.15%), non-citizen adults included. Blank presidential lines (a ballot cast, no presidential choice) count with "other" under the pax-entry map. Respondents over-report voting, so raking to the true non-vote share up-weights the non-voters a panel yields.
  • Declared but not asked by this test, so not raked: age, gender, race.
  • Levels are weighted percentages. Lifts are arm level minus placebo level, in points, with a margin of 1.645 standard errors. Each comparison is a two-sided two-proportion z-test with Kish effective sample sizes; detectable means p < 0.1 and at least 50 actual respondents in both groups.

Limitations

  • Simulated respondents: the seeded demo run (scripts/results/seed-demo.mjs) walked the respondent flow, not a fielded panel. Every figure on this wave exercises the pipeline; none is a measurement.
  • No multiplicity adjustment is applied across subgroups.

Source: pax-trinity-test-responses:ma-wave-3, computed 2026-10-29 (env development).

W2Wave 2

Seen in both waves

Adults 55+ responded to few videos (2 of 6, then 1 of 4), while Latino respondents had two significant videos each time. Different videos each wave — descriptive, not tested.